With the fall of France in 1940, control of that nation's government devolved on Vichy. However, Marshal Henri Pétain and his military commander in North Africa, General Maxime Weygand, were erroneously thought to oppose collaboration with Germany. Keenly aware of this, President Roosevelt planned diplomatic moves calculated to prevent the powerful French Toulon fleet (as distinguished form the Casablanca fleet) from falling into Hitler's hands. Admiral William D. Leahy and Ambassador Robert D. Murphy were ordered to work on Weygand's sympathies, while General Charles de Gaulle of the Free French lent additional support. Roosevelt's fervent hope was that the Toulon fleet would remain inactive while the Allied invasions were launched, and with a minimum of bloodshed. It was a tall order.
For even as Murphy strove to form a nucleus of French officers loyal to the cause of freedom, collaborationist Admiral Darlan visited Hitler in Berchtesgaden and signed pro-German treaties regarding Tunisia. When on 25 July, 1942, the Darlan-Hitler liaison became known in London, plans were made to go ahead immediately and to secure a foothold in NOrth Africa before anything else developed. In strategic concept the joint plan envisioned the following:
1. "Establishment of a firm and mutually supported lodgments"
(a.) between Oran and TUnisia on the Mediterranean, and
(b.) in French Morocco on the Atlantic, in order to secure bases "for continued and intensified air, ground and sea operations."
2. "Vigorous and rapid exploitation of these lodgments" "in order to acquire complete control" of French Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia and extend offensive operations against the rear of Axis forces to the eastward.
3. "Complete annihilation of Axis forces now opposing the British forces in the Western Desert, and intensification of air and sea operations against the Axis in the European Continent."
On 14 August, Lieutenant General Dwight D. Eisenhower was appointed Supreme Commander Allied Expeditionary Force. His headquarters was at Norfolk House, London, where planning for the combined operation was already in progress. One month later "Torch" assumed its final form: Task Force 34, under Rear Admiral H. Kent Hewitt, included a Western Task Force, U.S. Army, in which the redoubtable Major General George S. Patton and 35,000 United States Army troops were embarked from the United States; a Center Task Force under Commodore Thomas Troubridge, RN, with about 39,000 United States Army troops underway from the United Kingdom to Oran; and an Eastern Task Force under Rear Admiral Sir H.M. Burrough, RN, with about 33,000 (British and American) Army troops, bound from the United Kingdom to capture Algiers.
For our purposes it is not necessary to go into the preliminary work done by the Amphibious Force Atlantic Fleet; we need only discuss the invasion, focusing attention on the Western Task Force until the stage is set for the Battle of Casablanca. Aggregating one hundred and two warships, transports and auxiliaries when united at sea, the Western Task Force got underway form Norfolk on October 24, despite a caustic prediction from Patton that the Navy would break down at the last crucial minute. "Never in history," observed "Blood and Guts", "has the Navy landed an Army at the planned time and place. If you land us anywhere with fifty miles of Fedahla and within one week of D-Day, I'll go ahead and win . . . "
These chicks came home to roost as the United States Navy, after a circuitous voyage in clear weather with no incidents marring the passage, arrived at its destination at midnight 7 August--exactly on deadline--and the Western Naval Task FOrce broke up into Southern, Northern, and Center Attack Groups off assigned targets along the North African coast. The landings at Fedahla, fifteen miles north of Casablanca, were punctuated by misadventures and stiff French resistance. The epochal day dawned fair but hazy, with a moderate ground swell and light offshore winds. The invasion was on.
The gifted Rear Admiral Morison details the explosive D-Day events at sea. Twice winner of the Pulitzer Prize, Morison under-took his formidable naval history as the result of an interview with President Roosevelt and Secretary of the Navy Knox, who commissioned him a Lieutenant Commander with the writing assignment of his choice--documenting and interpreting the story of our Navy at war. He served aboard eleven different ships and covered United States' participation in every theatre of war, and was awarded the Legion of Merit with Combat "V."
The following is the first of three distinguished selections from his work which appears in this volume.
--S. E. Smith
From: The United States Navy in World War II
Preface to Part II: Chapter 7: The Naval Battle of Casablanca
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Operation Torch:
| ||
| Operation Torch | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Part of the North African Campaign of the Second World War | |||||||
| |||||||
| Belligerents | |||||||
 United States United Kingdom Free France Canada (naval) Netherlands (naval) Australia (naval) |  Vichy France Germany (naval) | ||||||
| Commanders and leaders | |||||||
| Dwight D. Eisenhower Andrew Cunningham George S. Patton Lloyd Fredendall Kenneth Anderson Henri d'Astier José Aboulker | François Darlan Charles Noguès Frix Michelier Ernst Kals | ||||||
| Strength | |||||||
| 107,000 (33,000 in Morocco, 39,000 near Algiers, 35,000 near Oran) | Vichy France: 60,000Germany: two submarines near Casablanca | ||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
| 479+ dead 720 wounded | 1,346+ dead 1,997 wounded | ||||||
| ||
Operation Torch (initially called Operation Gymnast) was theBritish-American invasion of French North Africa during the North African Campaign of the Second World War which started on 8 November 1942.
The Soviet Union had pressed the United States and United Kingdom to start operations in Europe and open a second front to reduce the pressure ofGerman forces on the Soviet troops. While the American commanders favoredOperation Sledgehammer, landing in Occupied Europe as soon as possible, the British commanders believed that such a course would end in disaster.
An attack on French North Africa was proposed instead, which would clear theAxis powers from North Africa, improve naval control of the Mediterranean Sea, and prepare for an invasion of Southern Europe in 1943. American President Franklin D. Roosevelt suspected the African operation would rule out an invasion of Europe in 1943 but agreed to support British Prime MinisterWinston Churchill.
Background[edit]
The Allies planned an Anglo-American invasion of northwestern Africa — Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia, territory nominally in the hands of the Vichy Frenchgovernment. With much of North Africa already under Allied control, this would allow the Allies to carry out a pincer operation against Axis forces in North Africa. The Vichy French had around 125,000 soldiers in the territories as well as coastal artillery, 210 operational but out-of-date tanks and about 500 aircraft, half of which were Dewoitine D.520 fighters — equal to many British and U.S. fighters.[1] In addition, there were 10 or so warships and 11 submarines at Casablanca.
The Allies believed that the Vichy French forces would not fight, partly because of information supplied by American Consul Robert Daniel Murphyin Algiers. The French were former Allies of the U.S. and the American troops were instructed not to fire unless they were fired upon.[2] However, they harbored suspicions that the Vichy French navy would bear a grudge over the British action at Mers-el-Kebir in 1940. An assessment of the sympathies of the French forces in North Africa was essential, and plans were made to secure their cooperation, rather than resistance. German support for the Vichy French came in the shape of air support. SeveralLuftwaffe bomber wings undertook anti-shipping strikes against Allied ports in Algiers and along the North African coast.
General Dwight D. Eisenhower was given command of the operation, and he set up his headquarters inGibraltar. The Allied Naval Commander of the Expeditionary Force would be Admiral Sir Andrew Cunningham; his deputy was Vice-Admiral Sir Bertram Ramsay, who would plan the amphibious landings.
Allied operational plans[edit]
Planners identified Oran (a large port with plentiful airfields within range of Gibraltar to facilitate the build up of Allied land-based airforces) and also Algiers and Casablanca (important ports and the major administrative centres) as key targets. Ideally there should also be a landing at Tunis to secure Tunisia and facilitate the rapid interdiction of supplies travelling via Tripoli to Rommel's forces in Libya. However, Tunis was much too close to the Axis airfields in Sicily and Sardinia for any hope of success. A compromise would be to land at Bône, some 300 miles (480 km) closer to Tunis than Algiers. Limited resources dictated that the Allies could only make three landings and Eisenhower who believed that any plan must include landings at Oran and Algiers, had two main alternatives: either to land at Casablanca, Oran and Algiers and then make as rapid a move as possible to Tunis some 500 miles (800 km) east of Algiers once the Vichy opposition was suppressed; or land at Oran, Algiers and Bône and then advance overland to Casablanca some 500 miles (800 km) west of Oran. He favoured the latter because of the advantages it gave to an early capture of Tunis and also because the Atlantic swells off Casablanca presented considerably greater risks to an amphibious landing there than would be encountered in the Mediterranean. The Combined Chiefs of Staff, however, were concerned that should Operation Torch precipitate Spain to abandon neutrality and join the Axis, the Straits of Gibraltar could be closed cutting the entire Allied force's lines of communication. They therefore chose the Casablanca option as the less risky since the forces in Algeria and Tunisia could be supplied overland from Casablanca (albeit with considerable difficulty) in the event of closure of the straits.[3] Eisenhower in accepting this pointed out that the decision removed the early capture of Tunis from the probable to only the remotely possible because of the extra time it would afford the Axis to move forces into Tunisia.[4]
Intelligence gathering[edit]
In July 1941, Mieczysław Słowikowski (using the codename "Rygor" — Polish for "Rigor") set up "Agency Africa", one of the Second World War's most successful intelligence organizations.[5] His Polish allies in these endeavors included Lt. Col. Gwido Langer and Major Maksymilian Ciężki. The information gathered by the Agency was used by the Americans and British in planning the amphibious November 1942 Operation Torch[6][7] landings in North Africa.
Preliminary contact with Vichy French[edit]
To gauge the feeling of the Vichy French forces, Murphy was appointed to the American consulate in Algeria. His covert mission was to determine the mood of the French forces and to make contact with elements that might support an Allied invasion. He succeeded in contacting several French officers, including General Charles Mast, the French commander-in-chief in Algiers.
These officers were willing to support the Allies, but asked for a clandestine conference with a senior Allied General in Algeria. Major General Mark W. Clark—one of Eisenhower's senior commanders—was dispatched to Cherchell in Algeria aboard the British submarineHMS Seraph—passing itself off as an American submarine—and met with these Vichy French officers on 21 October 1942.
With help from the Resistance, the Allies also succeeded in slipping French General Henri Giraud out of Vichy France on HMS Seraph, intending to offer him the post of commander in chief of French forces in North Africa after the invasion. However, Giraud would take no position lower than commander in chief of all the invading forces, a job already given to Eisenhower. When he was refused, he decided to remain "a spectator in this affair".
Battle[edit]
The Allies organized three amphibious task forces to seize the key ports and airports of Morocco and Algeria simultaneously, targetingCasablanca, Oranand Algiers. Successful completion of these operations was to be followed by an advance eastwards into Tunisia.
The Western Task Force (aimed at Casablanca) comprised American units, with Major General George Patton in command and Rear Admiral Henry K. Hewitt heading the naval operations. This Western Task Force consisted of the U.S. 2nd Armored Division and theU.S. 3rd and 9th Infantry Divisions—35,000 troops in a convoy of over 100 ships. They were transported directly from the U.S. in the first of a new series of UG convoys providing logistic support for the North African campaign.[8]
The Center Task Force, aimed at Oran, included the U.S. 509th Parachute Infantry Regiment, the U.S. 1st Infantry Division, and theU.S. 1st Armored Division—a total of 18,500 troops. They sailed from Britain and were commanded by Major General Lloyd Fredendall, the naval forces being commanded by Commodore Thomas Troubridge.
The Eastern Task Force—aimed at Algiers—was commanded by Lieutenant-General Kenneth Anderson and consisted of two brigades from the British 78th and the U.S. 34th Infantry Divisions, along with two British Commando units (No.1 and No. 6 Commando), totaling 20,000 troops. During the landing phase the force was to be commanded by U.S. Major General Charles W. Ryder, commander of the 34th Division, as it was felt that a U.S.-led invasion would be more acceptable to the French defenders than one led by the British; many British troops wore American uniform, for the same reason.[citation needed] Naval forces were commanded by Vice-Admiral Sir Harold Burrough.
U-boats, operating in the eastern Atlantic area crossed by the invasion convoys, had been drawn away to attack trade convoy SL 125. Some historians have suggested the timing of this trade convoy was an intentional tactical diversion to prevent submarine attacks on the troop transports.[9]
Aerial operations were split into two, east of Cape Tenez in Algeria, with British aircraft under Air Marshal Sir William Welsh and west of Cape Tenez, all American aircraft under Major General Jimmy Doolittle, under the direct command of Major General Patton.
Curtiss P-40s of the 33rd Fighter Group were launched from United States Navy escort carriers and landed at Port Lyautey on November 10. Additional air support was provided by the carrier USS Ranger, whose squadrons intercepted Vichy aircraft and bombed hostile ships.
Casablanca[edit]
The Western Task Force landed before daybreak on 8 November 1942, at three points in Morocco: Safi (Operation Blackstone), Fedala (Operation Brushwood, the largest landing with 19,000 men), and Mehdiya-Port Lyautey (Operation Goalpost). Because it was hoped that the French would not resist, there were no preliminary bombardments. This proved to be a costly error as French defenses took a toll of American landing forces.
On the night of 7 November, pro-Allied General Antoine Béthouart attempted a coup d'etat against the French command in Morocco, so that he could surrender to the Allies the next day. His forces surrounded the villa of General Charles Noguès, the Vichy-loyal high commissioner. However, Noguès telephoned loyal forces, who stopped the coup. In addition, the coup attempt alerted Noguès to the impending Allied invasion, and he immediately bolstered French coastal defenses.
At Safi, the landings were mostly successful. The landings were begun without covering fire, in the hope that the French would not resist at all. However, once French coastal batteries opened fire, Allied warships returned fire. By the time General Harmon arrived, French snipers had pinned the assault troops (most of whom were in combat for the first time) on Safi's beaches. Most of the landings occurred behind schedule. Carrier aircraft destroyed a French truck convoy bringing reinforcements to the beach defenses. Safi surrendered on the afternoon of 8 November. By 10 November, the remaining defenders were pinned down, and the bulk of Harmon's forces raced to join the siege of Casablanca.
At Port-Lyautey, the landing troops were uncertain of their position, and the second wave was delayed. This gave the French defenders time to organize resistance, and the remaining landings were conducted under artillery bombardment. With the assistance of air support from the carriers, the troops pushed ahead, and the objectives were captured.
At Fedala, weather disrupted the landings. The landing beaches again came under French fire after daybreak. Patton landed at 08:00, and the beachheads were secured later in the day. The Americans surrounded the port of Casablanca by 10 November, and the city surrendered an hour before the final assault was due to take place.
Casablanca was the principal French Atlantic naval base after German occupation of the European coast. The Naval Battle of Casablanca resulted from a sortie of French cruisers, destroyers, and submarines opposing the landings. A cruiser, six destroyers, and six submarines were destroyed by American gunfire and aircraft. The incomplete French battleship Jean Bart—which was docked and immobile—fired on the landing force with her one working gun turret until disabled by American gunfire. Two American destroyers were damaged.
Oran[edit]
The Center Task Force was split between three beaches, two west of Oran and one east. Landings at the westernmost beach were delayed because of a French convoy which appeared while the minesweepers were clearing a path. Some delay and confusion, and damage to landing ships, was caused by the unexpected shallowness of water and sandbars; although periscope observations had been carried out, no reconnaissance parties had landed on the beaches to determine the local maritime conditions. This was in contrast to later amphibious assaults—such as Operation Overlord—in which considerable weight was given to pre-invasion reconnaissance.
The U.S. 1st Ranger Battalion landed east of Oran and quickly captured the shore battery atArzew. An attempt was made to land U.S. infantry at the harbour directly, in order to quickly prevent destruction of the port facilities and scuttling of ships. The operation—code namedOperation Reservist—failed, as the two Banff-class sloops were destroyed by crossfire from the French vessels there. The Vichy French naval fleet broke from the harbour and attacked the Allied invasion fleet but its ships were all sunk or driven ashore.[10]
French batteries and the invasion fleet exchanged fire throughout 8–9 November, with French troops defending Oran and the surrounding area stubbornly. Heavy fire from the British battleships brought about Oran's surrender on 9 November.
Airborne landings[edit]
Torch was the first major airborne assault carried out by the U.S. The U.S. 509th Parachute Infantry Regiment[11] flew all the way from Britain, over Spain, intending to drop near Oran and capture airfields at Tafraoui and La Sénia respectively 15 miles (24 km) and 5 miles (8 km) south of Oran.[12] The operation was marked by weather, navigational and communication problems. Poor weather over Spain and the extreme range caused widespread scattering and forced 30 of the 37 aircraft to land in the dry salt lake to the west of the objective.[13] Nevertheless both airports were captured.
Algiers[edit]
Resistance and coup[edit]
As agreed at Cherchell, in the early hours of 8 November 400 French Resistance fighters staged a coup in the city of Algiers. Starting at midnight, the force under the command of Henri d'Astier de la Vigerie and José Aboulker seized key targets, including the telephone exchange, radio station, governor's house and the headquarters of 19th Corps.
Robert Murphy took some men and then drove to the residence of General Alphonse Juin, the senior French Army officer in North Africa. While they surrounded his house (making Juin effectively a prisoner) Murphy attempted to persuade him to side with the Allies. However, he was treated to a surprise: Admiral François Darlan—the commander of all French forces—was also in Algiers on a private visit. Juin insisted on contacting Darlan, and Murphy was unable to persuade either to side with the Allies. In the early morning, the local Gendarmerie arrived and released both Juin and Darlan.
Invasion[edit]
On 8 November 1942, the invasion commenced with landings split between three beaches—two west of Algiers and one east. Under overall command of Major General Charles W. Ryder, commander U.S. 34th Infantry Division, British 11th Brigade Group from British 78th Infantry Division, landed on the right hand beach, U.S. 168 Regimental Combat Team, from U.S. 34th Infantry Division, supported by 6th Commando and most of 1st Commando on the middle beach while U.S. 39th Regimental Combat Team, also from 34th Division, supported by the remaining 5 troops from 1st Commando landed on the left hand beach. British 36th Brigade Group from 78th Division stood by in floating reserve.[14] Though some landings went to the wrong beaches, this was immaterial because of the extremely low level of French opposition. All the coastal batteries had been neutralized by French resistance, and one French commander openly welcomed the landing Allies.
The only fighting took place in the port of Algiers itself, where in Operation Terminal two British destroyers attempted to land a party of U.S. Rangers directly onto the dock, in order to prevent the French destroying the port facilities and scuttling their ships. Heavy artillery fire prevented one destroyer from landing but the other was able to debark 250 Rangers before it too was driven back to sea.[10]
The landed troops pushed quickly inland and General Juin surrendered the city to the Allies at 18:00.
Aftermath[edit]
Political results[edit]
It quickly became clear that Giraud lacked the authority to take command of the French forces. He preferred to wait in Gibraltar for the results of the landing. However, Darlan in Algiers had such authority. Eisenhower, with the support of Roosevelt and Churchill, made an agreement with Darlan, recognizing him as French "High Commissioner" in North Africa. In return, Darlan ordered all French forces in North Africa to cease resistance to the Allies and cooperate instead. The deal was made on 10 November, and French resistance ceased almost at once.
When Adolf Hitler learned of Darlan's deal with the Allies, he immediately ordered the occupation of Vichy France and sent troops to Tunisia.
The deal meant that the officials appointed by the Vichy regime would remain in power in North Africa. No role was provided for Free France, which was supposed to be France's government-in-exile, and had taken charge in other French colonies. This deeply offended Charles de Gaulle as head of Free France. It also offended much of the British and American public, who regarded all Vichy French as Nazi collaborators, and Darlan as one of the worst. Eisenhower insisted however that he had no real choice if his forces were to move on against the Axis in Tunisia, rather than fight the French in Algeria and Morocco.
Though De Gaulle had no official power in North Africa, much of the population now publicly declared Free French allegiance, putting pressure on Darlan. Then on 24 December, Darlan was assassinated by Fernand Bonnier de La Chapelle, a French local of obscure allegiance. (He was arrested on the spot and executed a few days later.)
Giraud replaced Darlan, but like him replaced few of the Vichyite officials. He even ordered the arrest of the leaders of the Algiers coup of 8 November, with no opposition from Murphy.
The French North African government gradually became active in the Allied war effort. The weak French troops in Tunisia did not resist German troops arriving by air; Admiral Esteva, the commander there, obeyed orders to that effect from Vichy. The Germans took the airfields there and brought in more troops. The French troops withdrew to the west, and within a few days began to skirmish against the Germans, encouraged by a few American and British troops who had reached the area. While this was of minimal military effect, it committed the French to the Allied side. Later all French forces were withdrawn from action to be properly re-equipped by the Allies.
Giraud supported this, but also preferred to maintain the old regime in North Africa. Under pressure from the Allies, and from De Gaulle's supporters, the French regime shifted, with Vichy officials gradually replaced, and its more offensive decrees rescinded. In June 1943, Giraud and De Gaulle agreed to form the "Comité français de Libération nationale" (CFLN), with members from both the North African government and De Gaulle's "French National Committee". In November 1943, De Gaulle became head of the CFLN, andde jure head of government of France, recognized by the U.S. and Britain.
Another political effect of TORCH (and Darlan's orders) was that the previously Vichyite government of French West Africa now joined the Allies.
Military consequences[edit]
Toulon[edit]
When France capitulated, one of the conditions agreed to by the Germans was that southern France would remain free of German occupation and self-governed from Vichy. Another was that all French forces, particularly overseas, would resist attacks by the Allies and this included use of the French Fleet against Germany. The lack of determined resistance in North Africa and the new De Gaulle policies convinced the Germans to abrogate their agreement with the Vichy French. Southern France was immediately occupied and troops moved to seize what was left of the French Fleet in the port of Toulon. Hitler badly needed to increase the size of his navy, but every ship was scuttled at dock before they could be taken.
Tunisia[edit]
Main article: Tunisia Campaign
After the German and Italian occupation of Vichy France and their unsuccessful attempt to capture the interned French fleet at Toulon (Operation Lila), the French Armée d’Afrique sided with the Allies, providing a third corps (XIX Corps) for Anderson. Elsewhere, French warships—such as the battleship Richelieu—rejoined the Allies.
On 9 November, Axis forces started to build up in Tunisia unopposed by the local French forces under General Barré. Wracked with indecision, Barré moved his troops into the hills and formed a defensive line from Teboursouk through Medjez el Bab and ordered that anyone trying to pass through the line would be shot. On 19 November, the German commander—Walter Nehring—demanded passage for his troops across the bridge at Medjez and was refused. The Germans attacked the poorly equipped French units twice and were driven back. However, the French had taken heavy casualties and, lacking artillery and armor, Barré was forced to withdraw.[15]
After consolidating in Algeria, the Allies struck into Tunisia. Forces in the British 1st Army under Lieutenant General Kenneth Anderson came to within 40 miles (64 km) of Tunis before a counterattack at Djedeida thrust them back. In January 1943, German and Italian troops under General Erwin Rommel—retreating westward from Libya—reached Tunisia.
The British 8th Army in the east—commanded by General Bernard Montgomery—stopped around Tripoli to allow reinforcements to arrive and build up the Allied advantage. In the west, the forces of 1st Army came under attack at the end of January, being forced back from the Faïd Pass and then suffering a reversal at Sidi Bou Zid on 14–15 February. Axis forces pushed on to Sbeitla and then to the Kasserine Pass on 19 February, where the US II Corps retreated in disarray until heavy Allied reinforcements halted the Axis advance on 22 February.
General Harold Alexander arrived in Tunisia in late February to take charge of the new 15th Army Group headquarters, which had been created to take overall control of both the Eighth Army and the Allied forces already fighting in Tunisia. The Axis forces again attacked eastward at Medenine on 6 March but were easily repulsed by Eighth Army. Rommel counselled Hitler to allow a full retreat to a defensible line but was denied, and on 9 March Rommel left Tunisia to be replaced by Jürgen von Arnim, who had to spread his forces over 100 miles (160 km) of northern Tunisia.
The setbacks at Kasserine forced the Allies to consolidate their forces and develop their lines of communication and administration so that they could support a major attack. The 1st and 8th Armies then attacked the Axis in April. Hard fighting followed, but the Allies cut off the Germans and Italians from support by naval and air forces between Tunisia and Sicily. On 6 May, as the culmination ofOperation Vulcan, the British took Tunis, and American forces reached Bizerte. By 13 May, the Axis forces in Tunisia had surrendered. This opened the way for the Allied invasion of Sicily.
Pétain, Henri, Marshal:
| Philippe Pétain | |
|---|---|
.jpg) | |
| Chief of the French State | |
| In office 11 July 1940 – 19 August 1944 | |
| Preceded by | Albert Lebrun (President of the French Republic) |
| Succeeded by | Charles de Gaulle (President of the Provisional Government) |
| 119th Prime Minister of France | |
| In office 16 June 1940 – 11 July 1940 | |
| Preceded by | Paul Reynaud |
| Succeeded by | Pierre Laval (as Vice-President of the Council) Pétain remained the nominal Head of Government until 18 April 1942 |
| Minister of War of France | |
| In office 9 February 1934 – 8 November 1934 | |
| Prime Minister | Gaston Doumergue |
| Preceded by | Joseph Paul-Boncour |
| Succeeded by | Louis Maurin |
| Minister of State | |
| In office 1 June 1935 – 7 June 1935 | |
| Prime Minister | Fernand Bouisson |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Henri Philippe Benoni Omer Joseph Pétain 24 April 1856 Cauchy-à-la-Tour, Pas-de-Calais, Second French Empire |
| Died | 23 July 1951 (aged 95) Île d'Yeu, Vendée, France |
| Political party | None |
| Spouse(s) | Eugénie Hardon Pétain |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance | French Third Republic Vichy France |
| Service/branch | French Army |
| Years of service | 1876–1944 |
| Rank | Général de division |
| Battles/wars | Battle of Verdun Rif Wars, Morocco |
| Awards | Marshal of France Legion of Honor Spanish Medalla Militar |
Henri Philippe Benoni Omer Joseph Pétain (24 April 1856 – 23 July 1951), generally known as Philippe Pétain (French: [fi.lip pe.tɛ̃]), Marshal Pétain (Maréchal Pétain or The Lion of Verdun), was a French general who reached the distinction of Marshal of France, and was later Chief of State of Vichy France (Chef de l'État Français), from 1940 to 1944. Pétain, who was 84 years old in 1940, ranks as France's oldest head of state.
Because of his outstanding military leadership in World War I, particularly during the Battle of Verdun, he was viewed as a national hero in France. With the imminent fall of France in June 1940, Pétain was appointed Premier of France by President Lebrun at Bordeaux, and the Cabinet resolved to make peace with Germany. The entire government subsequently moved briefly to Clermont-Ferrand, then to the spa town of Vichy in central France. His government voted to transform the discredited French Third Republic into the French State, an authoritarian regime.
France and World War II[edit]
In March 1939 Pétain became the French ambassador to Spain. When World War II began in September Pétain turned down Daladier's offer to join his government, perhaps to permit him to take power if a disaster occurred. Such an event occurred in May 1940, after Germany invaded France; Pétain joined the new government of Paul Reynaud on 18 May.[22] On 24 May, the invading Germans pushed back the French Army. General Maxime Weygandexpressed his fury at British retreats and the unfulfilled promise of British fighter aircraft. He and Pétain regarded the military situation as hopeless. Reynaud subsequently stated before a parliamentary commission of inquiry in December 1950 that he said, as Premier of France to Pétain on that day that they must seek an armistice. Weygand said that he was in favour of saving the French army and that he "wished to avoid internal troubles and above all anarchy". Churchill's man in Paris, Edward Spears, kept up continual pressure on the French, and on 31 May he met with Pétain and threatened France with not only a blockade, but bombardment of the French ports if an armistice was agreed. Spears reported that Pétain did not respond immediately but stood there "perfectly erect, with no sign of panic or emotion. He did not disguise the fact that he considered the situation catastrophic. I could not detect any sign in him of broken morale, of that mental wringing of hands and incipient hysteria noticeable in others". Pétain later remarked to Reynaud about this threat, saying "your ally now threatens us".[citation needed]
On 5 June, following the fall of Dunkirk, there was a Cabinet reshuffle, and Prime Minister Reynaud brought Pétain, Weygand, and the newly promoted Brigadier-General de Gaulle, whose 4th Armoured Division had launched one of the few French counterattacks the previous month, into his War Cabinet, hoping that the trio might instill a renewed spirit of resistance and patriotism in the French Army. On 8 June, Paul Baudouin dined with Chautemps, and both declared that the war must end. Paris was now threatened, and the government was preparing to depart, although Pétain was opposed to such a move. During a cabinet meeting that day, Reynaud argued for an armistice, as he was worried about England. Pétain replied that "the interests of France come before those of England. England got us into this position, let us now try to get out of it".[citation needed].
On 10 June, the government left Paris for Tours. Weygand, the Commander-in-Chief, now declared that "the fighting had become meaningless". He, Baudouin, and several members of the government were already set on an armistice. On 11 June, Churchill flew to the Château du Muguet, at Briar, near Orléans, where he put forward first his idea of a Bretonredoubt, to which Weygand replied that it was just a "fantasy".[25] Churchill then said the French should consider "guerrilla warfare" until the Americans came into the war, to which several cabinet members asked "when might that be" and received no reply. Pétain then replied that it would mean the destruction of the country. Churchill then said the French should defend Paris and repeated Clemenceau's words "I will fight in front of Paris, in Paris, and behind Paris". To this, Churchill subsequently reported, Pétain replied quietly and with dignity that he had in those days a strategic reserve of sixty divisions; now, there was none. Making Paris into a ruin would not affect the final event. The following day, the cabinet met and Weygand again called for an armistice. He referred to the danger of military and civil disorder and the possibility of a Communist uprising in Paris. Pétain and Minister of Information Prouvost urged the Cabinet to hear Weygand out because "he was the only one really to know what was happening".
Churchill returned to France on the 13th. Paul Baudouin met his plane and immediately spoke to him of the hopelessness of further French resistance. Reynard, then, put the cabinet's armistice proposals to Churchill, who replied that "whatever happened, we would level no reproaches against France". At that day's Cabinet meeting, Pétain read out a draft proposal to the Cabinet where he spoke of "the need to stay in France, to prepare a national revival, and to share the sufferings of our people. It is impossible for the Government to abandon French soil without emigrating, without deserting. The duty of the Government is, come what may, to remain in the country, or it could not longer be regarded as the government". Several ministers were still opposed to an armistice, and Weygand immediately lashed out at them for even leaving Paris. Like Pétain, he said he would never leave France.
The government moved to Bordeaux, where French Governments had fled German invasions in 1870 and 1914, on 14 June. Parliament, both Senate and Chamber, were also there and immersed themselves in the armistice debate. Reynard's ambiguous position was becoming seriously compromised. Admiral Darlan was by now in the armistice camp also. Reynard proposed an alternative compromise: Complete surrender, and the army (after laying down its arms) to leave the country and continue the fight from abroad. Weygand exploded and he and Pétain both said that such a capitulation would be dishonourable. The Cabinet was now split almost evenly. Camille Chautemps said the only way to get agreement was to ask the Germans what their terms for an armistice would be and the cabinet voted 13 – 6 in agreement.
The next day, Roosevelt's reply to President Lebrun's requests for assistance came with only vague promises and saying that it was impossible for the President to do anything without Congress.
After lunch, President Albert Lebrun received two telegrams from the British saying they would only agree to an armistice if the French fleet was immediately sent to British ports. In addition, the British Government offered joint nationality for Frenchmen and Englishmen in a Franco-British Union. Reynaud and five ministers thought these proposals acceptable. The others did not, seeing the offer as insulting and a device to make France subservient to Great Britain, in a kind of extra Dominion. Reynaud gave up, asked President Lebrun to accept his resignation as Prime Minister, and nominated Maréchal Pétain in his place.
Prime Minister of Vichy France[edit]
A new Cabinet with Pétain as head of government was formed in the normal way, and, at midnight on the 15th, Baudouin was asking the Spanish Ambassador to submit to Germany a request to cease hostilities at once and for Germany to make known its peace terms. At 12:30 am, Maréchal Pétain made his first broadcast to the French people.
"The enthusiasm of the country for the Maréchal was tremendous. He was welcomed by people as diverse as Claudel, Gide, andMauriac, and also by the vast mass of untutored Frenchmen who saw him as their saviour."[26] General de Gaulle, no longer in the Cabinet, had arrived in London on the 16th and made a call for resistance from there, on the 18th, with no legal authority whatsoever from his government, a call that was heeded by comparatively few.
Cabinet and Parliament still argued between themselves on the question of whether or not to retreat to North Africa. On 18 June,Édouard Herriot (who would later be a prosecution witness at Pétain's trial) and Jeanneney, the presidents of the two Chambers of Parliament, as well as Lebrun said they wanted to go. Pétain said he was not departing. On the 20th, a delegation from the two chambers came to Pétain to protest at the proposed departure of President Lebrun. The next day, they went to Lebrun himself. In the event, only 26 deputies and 1 senator headed for Africa, amongst them Georges Mandel, Pierre Mendès France, and the former Popular Front Education Minister, Jean Zay, all of whom had Jewish backgrounds.[27] Pétain broadcast again to the French people on that day.
On 22 June, France signed an armistice with Germany that gave Germany control over the north and west of the country, including Paris and all of the Atlantic coastline, but left the rest, around two-fifths of France's prewar territory, unoccupied. Paris remained the de jure capital. On 29 June, the French Government moved to Clermont-Ferrand where the first discussions of constitutional changes were mooted, with Pierre Laval having personal discussions with President Lebrun, who had, in the event, not departed France. On 1 July, the government, finding Clermont too cramped, moved to Vichy, at Baudouin's suggestion, the empty hotels there being more suitable for the government ministries.
The Chamber of Deputies and Senate, meeting together as a "Congrès", held an emergency meeting on 10 July to ratify the armistice. At the same time, the draft constitutional proposals were tabled. The presidents of both Chambers spoke and declared that constitutional reform was necessary. The Congress voted 569-80 (with 18 abstentions) to grant the Cabinet the authority to draw up a new constitution, effectively "voting the Third Republic out of existence".[28] Nearly all French historians, as well as all postwar French governments, consider this vote to be illegal; not only were several deputies and senators not present, but the constitution explicitly stated that the republican form of government could not be changed. On the next day, Pétain formally assumed near-absolute powers as "Head of State."
Pétain was reactionary by temperament and education, and quickly began blaming the Third Republic and its endemic corruption for the French defeat. His regime soon took on clear authoritarian—and in some cases, fascist—characteristics. The republican motto of"Liberté, égalité, fraternité" was replaced with "Travail, famille, patrie" ("Work, family, fatherland").[29] He issued new constitutional acts which abolished the presidency, gave him full power to appoint and fire ministers and civil service members, pass laws through theCouncil of Ministers, indefinitely adjourned parliament and designate a successor (he chose Laval). By January 1941 Pétain possessed almost all legislative, executive, and judicial power; one of his advisors commented that he had more power than any French leader since Louis XIV.[22] Fascistic and revolutionary conservative factions within the new government used the opportunity to launch an ambitious program known as the "National Revolution", which rejected much of the former Third Republic's secular and liberal traditions in favour of an authoritarian, paternalist, Catholic society. Pétain, amongst others, took exception to the use of the inflammatory term "revolution" to describe an essentially conservative movement, but otherwise participated in the transformation of French society from "Republic" to "State." He added that the new France would be "a social hierarchy...rejecting the false idea of the natural equality of men."[30]
The new government immediately used its new powers to order harsh measures, including the dismissal of republican civil servants, the installation of exceptional jurisdictions, the proclamation of antisemitic laws, and the imprisonment of opponents and foreign refugees. Censorship was imposed, and freedom of expression and thought were effectively abolished with the reinstatement of the crime of "felony of opinion."
The regime organised a "Légion Française des Combattants," which included "Friends of the Legion" and "Cadets of the Legion", groups of those who had never fought but were politically attached to the new regime. Pétain championed a rural, Catholic France that spurned internationalism. As a retired military commander, he ran the country on military lines. He and his government collaborated with Germany and even produced a legion of volunteers to fight in Russia. Pétain's government was nevertheless internationally recognised, notably by the USA, at least until the German occupation of the rest of France. Neither Pétain nor his successive deputies, Laval, Pierre-Étienne Flandin, or Admiral François Darlan, gave significant resistance to requests by the Germans to indirectly aid theAxis Powers. Yet, when Hitler met Pétain at Montoire in October 1940 to discuss the French government's role in the new European Order, the Marshal "listened to Hitler in silence. Not once did he offer a sympathetic word for Germany." Furthermore, France even remained formally at war with Germany, albeit opposed to the Free French. Following the British attacks on 2 July 1940 (Mers el Kébir,Dakar), the French government became increasingly Anglophobic and took the initiative to collaborate with the occupiers. Pétain accepted the government's creation of a collaborationist armed militia (the Milice) under the command of Joseph Darnand, who, along with German forces, led a campaign of repression against French resistance ("Maquis"), notably its Communist factions.[citation needed]
The honours that Darnand acquired included SS-Major. Pétain admitted Darnand into his government as Secretary of the Maintenance of Public Order (Secrétaire d'État au Maintien de l'Ordre). In August 1944, Pétain made an attempt to distance himself from the crimes of the militia by writing Darnand a letter of reprimand for the organisation's "excesses". The latter wrote a sarcastic reply, telling Pétain that he should have "thought of this before".
Pétain's government acquiesced to the Axis forces demands for large supplies of manufactured goods and foodstuffs, and also ordered French troops in France's colonial empire (in Dakar, Syria, Madagascar, Oran and Morocco) to defend sovereign French territory against any aggressors, Allied or otherwise.
Pétain's motives are a topic of wide conjecture. Winston Churchill had spoken to M. Reynaud during the impending fall of France, saying of Pétain, "...he had always been a defeatist, even in the last war [World War I]."[31]
On 11 November 1942, German forces invaded the unoccupied zone of Southern France in response to the Allies' Operation Torch landings in North Africa and Admiral François Darlan's agreement to support the Allies. Although the French government nominally remained in existence, civilian administration of almost all France being under it, Pétain became nothing more than a figurehead, as the Germans had negated the pretence of an "independent" government at Vichy. Pétain however remained popular and engaged on a series of visits around France as late as 1944, when he arrived in Paris on 28 April in what Nazi propaganda newsreels described as a "historic" moment for the city. Vast crowds cheered him in front of the Hotel de Ville and in the streets.[32]
After the liberation of France on 7 September 1944, Pétain and other members of the French cabinet at Vichy were relocated by the Germans to Sigmaringen in Germany, where they became a government-in-exile until April 1945. Pétain, however, having been forced to leave France, refused to participate in this government and Fernand de Brinon now headed the 'government commission.'[33] In a note dated 29 October 1944, Pétain forbade de Brinon to use the Marshal's name in any connection with this new government, and on 5 April 1945, Pétain wrote a note to Hitler expressing his wish to return to France. No reply ever came. However, on his birthday almost three weeks later, he was taken to the Swiss border. Two days later he crossed into the French frontier.
Weygand, Maxime, General:
| Maxime Weygand | |
|---|---|
General Maxime Weygand
| |
| Born | 21 January 1867 Brussels, Belgium |
| Died | 28 January 1965 (aged 98) Paris, France |
| Allegiance | French Third Republic Vichy France |
| Service/branch | French Army |
| Years of service | 1887–1935 1939–1942 |
| Rank | Général d'armée |
| Battles/wars | |
| Awards | Grand cross of the Légion d'honneur Virtuti Militari (2nd Class) |
Maxime Weygand (21 January 1867 – 28 January 1965; French pronunciation: [vɛɡɑ̃]) was a French military commander in World War I andWorld War II.
Weygand initially fought against the Germans during the invasion of France in 1940, but then surrendered to and collaborated with the Germans as part of theVichy France regime.
In June, Weygand was appointed by Pétain to the Bordeaux-Vichy cabinet as Minister for National Defence for three months (June to September 1940), and then Delegate-General to the North African colonies.
While there, he convinced the young officers, tempted to resistance, of the justice of the armistice, by letting them hope for a later resumption of combat. He deported opponents toconcentration camps in Southern Algeria and Morocco. There, he locked up, with the complicity of Admiral Jean-Marie Charles Abrial, adversaries of the Vichy regime (Gaullists,Freemasons, communists, etc.), the foreign volunteers of Légion Etrangère, foreign refugeeswithout employment (but legally admitted into France) and others. He applied Vichy's racist laws against Jews very harshly (see Vichy France). With the complicity of the Recteur(University chancellor) Georges Hardy, Weygand instituted, on his own authority, by a mere "note de service n°343QJ" of 30 September 1941, a school "numerus clausus" (quota), driving out from the colleges and from the primary schools most of the Jewish pupils, including small children aged 5 to 11. Weygand did this without any decree of MarshalPhilippe Pétain, "by analogy," he said, "to the law about Higher Education."
Weygand acquired a reputation as an opponent of collaboration when he protested, in Vichy, against the Protocols of Paris of 28 May 1941 signed by Admiral François Darlan, agreements which granted bases to the Axis in Aleppo, Syria, Bizerte, Tunisia and Dakar,Senegal and envisaged an extensive military collaboration with Axis forces in the event of Allied countermeasures. As Simon Kitsondemonstrated in his book The Hunt for Nazi Spies, Weygand remained outspoken in his criticism of Germany.[8]
Nevertheless, the Weygand General Delegation (4th Office) collaborated with Germany by delivering to Rommel's Afrika Korps 1200 French trucks and other French army vehicles (Dankworth contract of 1941), as well as heavy artillery pieces accompanied with 1000 shells per gun.
Weygand was apparently favorable to collaboration with Germany, but with discretion. Additionally, when he opposed German bases in Africa, he did not intend to be neutral or to help the Allied camp, rather he only sought to prevent France from losing prestige with the natives and keep its colonial empire. Nevertheless, since Adolf Hitler demanded full unconditional collaboration, he pressured the Vichy government to obtain the dismissal and recall of Weygand in November 1941. One year later, in November 1942, following the Allied invasion of North Africa, Weygand was arrested. He remained in confinement in Germany and then in the Itter Castle in North Tyrol with General Gamelin and a few other French Third Republic personalities until May 1945, when he fell into the hands of the Americans after the Battle for Castle Itter.
Leahy, William D., Admiral:
Fleet Admiral William Daniel Leahy (May 6, 1875 – July 20, 1959) was an Americannaval officer who served as the senior-most United States military officer on active duty during World War II. He held multiple titles and was at the center of all the major military decisions the United States made in World War II.
As Chief of Naval Operations from 1937 to 1939, he was the senior officer in Navy, overseeing the preparations for war. After retiring from the Navy, he was appointed in 1939 by his close friend President Franklin D. Roosevelt as Governor of Puerto Rico. In his most controversial role, he served as the United States Ambassador to France1940-42, but had limited success in keeping the Vichy government free of German control.
Leahy was recalled to active duty as the personal Chief of Staff to President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1942 and served in that position throughout World War II. He chaired the Chiefs of Staff and was a major decision-maker during the war. He continued under President Harry S. Truman until finally retiring in 1949. From 1942 until his retirement in 1949, he was the highest-ranking member of the U.S. military, reporting only to the President. He was the United States' first de facto Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff(not his official title) and he also presided over the American delegation to the Combined Chiefs of Staff, when the American and British staffs worked together..
As Fleet Admiral, Leahy was the first U.S. naval officer ever to hold a five-star rank in the U.S. Armed Forces. The USS Leahy (DLG-16) was named in his honor.
Leahy was appointed Ambassador to France (later referred to as Vichy France for the city in which the capital was located) in 1941 following that country's capitulation to Germany. Leahy relates in his memoir I Was There that (his) "major task was to keep the French on our side in so far as possible".[6] He was recalled in May 1942.
The United States supplied food and medical aid to the Vichy regime and to French North Africa, hoping in return to moderate Vichy collaboration with Germany and to avoid an open Vichy–German alliance in the Mediterranean. American aid proved too little to buy French support over North Africa.
Murphy, Robert D., Ambassador: Robert Daniel Murphy (October 28, 1894 – January 9, 1978) was an American diplomat.
Born in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Murphy had begun his diplomatic career in 1917 as a member of the American Legation in Bern,Switzerland. Among the several posts he held were Vice-Consul in Zurich and Munich, American Consul in Paris from 1930 to 1936, and chargé d’affaires to the Vichy government. He was also the one-time State Department specialist on France.
In February 1941, Murphy played an instrumental role in forging the Murphy-Weygand Agreement, which allowed the United States to export to French North Africa in spite of the British blockade and trade restrictions in place upon the Vichy-governed area.[1]
In autumn of 1942, at President Roosevelt's request, Murphy investigated conditions in French North Africa in preparation for the Allied landings - Operation Torch, the first major Allied ground offensive during World War II. He was appointed the President’s personal representative with the rank of Minister to French North Africa. Murphy made contact with various French army officers in Algiers and recruited them to support the Allies when the invasion of French North Africa came.[citation needed]
Prior to the November 8 invasion, Murphy, along with US General Mark Wayne Clark, had worked to gain the important blessing of the anti-British French General Henri Giraud for the attack. This blessing could be deployed if necessary against Governor François Darlanin order to gain his cooperation for the invasion. Darlan's cooperation was formalised on November 22; the Governor of French North Africa was assassinated little more than a month later.
de Gaulle, Charles, General:
| Charles de Gaulle | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Portrait of de Gaulle during World War II | |
| President of the French Republic Co-Prince of Andorra | |
| In office 8 January 1959 – 28 April 1969 | |
| Prime Minister | Michel Debré (1959–1961) Georges Pompidou (1962–1968) Maurice Couve de Murville(1968–1969) |
| Preceded by | René Coty |
| Succeeded by | Alain Poher (interim) Georges Pompidou |
| Leader of the Free French Forces | |
| In office 18 June 1940 – 3 July 1944 | |
| Preceded by | French Third Republic |
| Succeeded by | Provisional Government of the French Republic |
| President of the Provisional Government of the French Republic | |
| In office 20 August 1944 – 20 January 1946 | |
| Preceded by | Philippe Pétain (as chief of state of Vichy France) Pierre Laval (as chief of government) |
| Succeeded by | Félix Gouin |
| Prime Minister of France | |
| In office 1 June 1958 – 8 January 1959 | |
| President | René Coty |
| Preceded by | Pierre Pflimlin |
| Succeeded by | Michel Debré |
| Minister of Defence | |
| In office 1 June 1958 – 8 January 1959 | |
| President | René Coty |
| Prime Minister | Charles de Gaulle |
| Preceded by | Pierre de Chevigné |
| Succeeded by | Pierre Guillaumat |
| Minister of the Algerian Affairs | |
| In office 12 June 1958 – 9 January 1959 | |
| President | René Coty |
| Prime Minister | Charles de Gaulle |
| Preceded by | André Mutter |
| Succeeded by | Louis Joxe (1960) |
| Secretary of State of War | |
| In office 6 – 16 June 1940 | |
| Prime Minister | Paul Reynaud |
| Minister | Paul Reynaud |
| Preceded by | Hippolyte Ducos |
| Succeeded by | None |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Charles André Joseph Pierre Marie de Gaulle 22 November 1890 Lille, France |
| Died | 9 November 1970 (aged 79) Colombey-les-Deux-Églises,France |
| Political party | Rally of the French People(1947–1955) Union for the New Republic(1958–1968) Union of Democrats for the Republic (1968–1970) |
| Spouse(s) | Yvonne de Gaulle (1921-1970; his death) |
| Children | Philippe Élisabeth Anne |
| Occupation | Military, Politician |
| Religion | Roman Catholicism |
| Signature |  |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance | French Armed Forces, Free French Forces |
| Service/branch | French Army |
| Years of service | 1912–1944 |
| Rank | Brigadier general |
| Unit | Infantry |
| Commands | Leader of the Free French |
| Battles/wars | World War I Battle of Verdun Battle of the Somme World War II Battle of France Battle of Dakar French Resistance |
Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle (/ˈtʃɑrlz/ or /ˈʃɑrl dəˈɡɔːl/; French: [ʃaʁl də ɡol] (
); 22 November 1890 – 9 November 1970) was a French general and statesman who led the Free French Forces during World War II. He later founded theFrench Fifth Republic in 1958 and served as its first president from 1959 to 1969.[1]
); 22 November 1890 – 9 November 1970) was a French general and statesman who led the Free French Forces during World War II. He later founded theFrench Fifth Republic in 1958 and served as its first president from 1959 to 1969.[1]
De Gaulle came to the fore in the interwar army as a proponent of mobile armoured divisions. During World War II, he attained the rank of brigadier general (retained throughout his life).[2] De Gaulle led the Free French Forces (composed of French soldiers in Britain) and a government in exile against France's pro-German Vichy government while he was in London and Africa, gained control of most French colonies, and participated in the liberation of Paris. Despite his initial defeat, de Gaulle insisted that France be treated as a great power by the other Allies. His promotion of French national interests led to confrontations with Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt, due to their initial unwillingness to inform him of the D-Day landings in June 1944.
orking with the French resistance and other supporters in France's colonial African possessions after the Anglo-U.S. invasion of North Africa in November 1942, de Gaulle moved his headquarters to Algiers in May 1943. He left Britain to be on French territory. He became first joint head (with the less resolutely independent General Henri Giraud, the candidate preferred by the U.S. who wrongly suspected de Gaulle of being a British puppet) and then—after squeezing out Giraud by force of personality—sole chairman of theFrench Committee of National Liberation.[30]
De Gaulle was held in high regard by Allied commander General Dwight Eisenhower.[49] In Algiers in 1943, Eisenhower gave de Gaulle the assurance in person that a French force would liberate Paris and arranged that the army division of French General Philippe Leclerc de Hauteclocque would be transferred from North Africa to the UK to carry out that liberation.[49] Eisenhower was impressed by the combativeness of units of the Free French Forces and "grateful for the part they had played in mopping up the remnants of German resistance"; he also detected how strongly devoted many were to de Gaulle and how ready they were to accept him as the national leader.
Darlan, Admiral:
| François Darlan | |
|---|---|
 | |
| 122nd Prime Minister of France (as Vice-President of the Council) Head of State and nominal Head of Government :Philippe Pétain | |
| In office 9 February 1941 – 18 April 1942 | |
| Preceded by | Pierre Étienne Flandin |
| Succeeded by | Pierre Laval |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Jean Louis Xavier François Darlan 7 August 1881 Nérac, France |
| Died | 24 December 1942 (aged 61) Algiers, French Algeria |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance | French Third Republic Vichy France |
| Service/branch |  French Navy |
| Years of service | 1902 - 1942 |
| Rank | Admiral of the Fleet |
Jean Louis Xavier François Darlan (7 August 1881 – 24 December 1942) was a FrenchAdmiral and political figure. He was Admiral of the Fleet and commander in chief of theFrench Navy in 1939, at the beginning of World War II. After France capitulated to Nazi Germany in 1940, Darlan served in the pro-German Vichy regime, becoming its deputy leader for a time. When the Allies invaded French North Africa in 1942, Darlan happened to be there. The Allies recognized him as head of French North Africa, and he ordered French forces to cease resisting and cooperate with the Allies. Less than two months later he was assassinated.
On 7 November 1942, Darlan went to Algiers to visit his son, who was hospitalised after a severe attack of polio. What he did not know at the time of his journey was that the Western Allies would invade French North Africa the next day, November 8.
During the night of 7–8 November, forces of a pro-Allied group in Algeria (not connected with Free France) seized control of Algiers in anticipation of the invasion. In the process, they captured Darlan.
The Allies had anticipated little resistance from French forces in North Africa, instead expecting them to accept the authority of GeneralHenri Giraud, who had been extracted from German captivity to take charge. But resistance continued, and no one heeded Giraud, who had no official status.
To bring a quick end to the resistance and secure French co-operation, the Allies came to an agreement with Darlan, who as commander-in-chief could give the necessary orders. The Allied commanders recognized Darlan as commander of all French forces in the area and recognized his self-nomination as High Commissioner of France (head of civil government) for North and West Africa on 14 November.
In return, on 10 November, Darlan ordered all French forces to join the Allies. His order was obeyed.
The "Darlan deal" proved highly controversial, as Darlan had been a very notorious collaborator with Germany. General Charles De Gaulle and his Free France organization were outraged; so were the pro-Allied conspirators who had seized Algiers. Some high American and British officials objected, and there was furious criticism by newspapers and politicians.
Later American historian Arthur Funk maintained that the "deal with Darlan" was misunderstood by the critics at the time as an opportunistic improvisation. On the contrary, Funk stated, Darlan had been in talks with American diplomats for months about switching sides, and when the opportunity came he did so promptly. The "deal" thus was the result of a long and carefully considered Allied plan for reaching a political and military accord with Vichy. It followed a model drawn up in London and already approved at the highest levels.[7]
The "deal" was even more upsetting to Berlin and to the Vichy government. Pétain stripped Darlan of his offices and ordered resistance to the end in North Africa; but he was ignored.
The Germans were more direct: German troops occupied the remaining 2/5 of France. However, the Germans paused outside Toulon, the base where most of the remaining French ships were moored. Only on 27 November did the Germans try to seize the ships; but all were scuttled or escaped, fulfilling Darlan's promise to Churchill.
Eisenhower, Dwight D., Lt. General:
| Dwight David Eisenhower | |
|---|---|
Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1947.
| |
| Nickname | Ike |
| Born | October 14, 1890 Denison, Texas |
| Died | March 28, 1969 Washington D.C. |
| Allegiance |  United States of America |
| Service/branch |  United States Army |
| Years of service | 1915 – 1953 1961 – 1969 |
| Rank |  General of the Army |
| Commands held | Supreme Allied Commander Europe Chief of Staff of the United States Army Military Governor of the U.S. Occupation Zone in Germany Supreme Commander Allied Expeditionary Force in Western Europe Commanding General, European Theater of Operations Commander-in-Chief, Allied Forces in North Africa |
| Battles/wars | Mexican Border Service World War II |
| Awards | Navy Distinguished Service Medal Army Distinguished Service Medal(5) Legion of Merit |
| Other work | President of Columbia University, NY President of the United States of America |
The military career of Dwight D. Eisenhower encompassed over forty years of active service.
In 1942, Eisenhower was appointed Commanding General, European Theater of Operations(ETOUSA) and was based in London. In November, he was also appointed Supreme Commander Allied (Expeditionary) Force of the North African Theater of Operations(NATOUSA) through the new operational Headquarters A(E)FHQ. The word "expeditionary" was dropped soon after his appointment for security reasons. In February 1943, his authority was extended as commander of AFHQ across the Mediterranean basin to include the British 8th Army, commanded by General Bernard Law Montgomery. The 8th Army had advanced across the Western Desert from the east and was ready for the start of the Tunisia Campaign. Eisenhower gained his fourth star and gave up command of ETOUSA to be commander of NATOUSA. After the capitulation of Axis forces in North Africa, Eisenhower remained in command of the renamed Mediterranean Theater of Operations (MTO), keeping the operational title and continued in command of NATOUSA redesignated MTOUSA. In this position he oversaw the invasion of Sicily and the invasion of the Italian mainland.
Hewitt, H. Kent, Rear Admiral:
| Henry Kent Hewitt | |
|---|---|
Admiral H. Kent Hewitt (left) and Admiral S.S. Lewis (right) on board USS Ancon, September 1943.
| |
| Born | February 11, 1887 Hackensack, New Jersey |
| Died | September 15, 1972 (aged 85) |
| Allegiance |  United States |
| Service/branch |  United States Navy |
| Years of service | 1906–1949 |
| Rank | Admiral |
| Unit | Atlantic Fleet |
| Commands held | USS Eagle USS Cummings USS Indianapolis Amphibious Force, Atlantic Fleet United States Eighth Fleet U.S. Naval Forces Europe |
| Battles/wars | World War I *Battle of the Atlantic World War II *Battle of the Atlantic *Battle of Casablanca *Battle of Gela *Battle of Salerno *Operation Dragoon |
Henry Kent Hewitt (February 11, 1887 – September 15, 1972)[1] was born inHackensack, New Jersey on February 11, 1887 and graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy in 1906. He is best remembered as the United States Navy commander of amphibious operations in north Africa and southern Europe through World War II.
Hewitt was promoted to rear admiral in 1939, and commanded Atlantic Fleet Task Groups in neutrality patrols and convoys from 1941 until becoming Commander, Amphibious Force, Atlantic Fleet, in April 1942. This force, also called Task Force 34, became the U.S. component of the Operation Torch landings in November 1942. Hewitt was then assigned as Commander, U.S. Naval Forces, Northwest Africa Waters or COMNAVNAW. His flagships included USS Augusta while he commanded American naval forces at theBattle of Casablanca,[5] Monrovia while he commanded the western task force during the invasion of Sicily, and Ancon while he commanded all Allied amphibious forces during the invasion of Italy[6] and later Anzio landings and invasion of southern France.
Patton, George S., Major General:
_BAR.png){kind=small}
George Smith Patton, Jr. (November 11, 1885 – December 21, 1945) was ageneral in the United States Army, best known for his command of theSeventh United States Army, and later the Third United States Army, in theEuropean Theater of World War II.
Born in 1885 to a privileged family with an extensive military background, Patton attended the Virginia Military Institute, and later the U.S. Military Academy at West Point. He participated in the 1912 Olympic Modern Pentathlon, and was instrumental in designing the M1913 "Patton Saber". Patton first saw combat during the Pancho Villa Expedition in 1916, taking part in America's first military action using motor vehicles. He later joined the newly formed United States Tank Corps of the American Expeditionary Forces and saw action in World War I, first commanding the U.S. tank school in Francebefore being wounded near the end of the war. In the interwar period, Patton remained a central figure in the development of armored warfare doctrine in the U.S. Army, serving on numerous staff positions throughout the country. Rising through the ranks, he commanded the U.S. 2nd Armored Division at the time of the U.S. entry into World War II.
Patton led U.S. troops into the Mediterranean theater with an invasion ofCasablanca during Operation Torch in 1942, where he later established himself as an effective commander through his rapid rehabilitation of the demoralizedU.S. II Corps. He commanded the Seventh Army during the Invasion of Sicily, where he was the first allied commander to reach Messina. There he was embroiled in controversy after he slapped two shell-shocked soldiers under his command, and was temporarily removed from battlefield command for other duties such as participating in Operation Fortitude's disinformation campaign for Operation Overlord. Patton returned to command the Third Army following the invasion of Normandy in 1944, where he led a highly successful, rapid armored drive across France. He led the relief of beleaguered U.S. troops atBastogne during the Battle of the Bulge, and advanced his army into Nazi Germany by the end of the war.
After the war, Patton became the military governor of Bavaria, but he was relieved of this post because of his statements on denazification. He commanded the Fifteenth United States Army for slightly more than two months. Patton died following an automobile accident in Europe on December 21, 1945.
Patton's colorful image, hard-driving personality and success as a commander were at times overshadowed by his controversial public statements regarding the Soviet Union which were out of accord with American foreign policy. But his philosophy of leading from the front and his ability to inspire his troops with vulgarity-ridden speeches, such as a famous address to the Third Army, attracted favorable attention. His strong emphasis on rapid and aggressive offensive action proved effective. While Allied leaders held sharply differing opinions on Patton, he was regarded highly by his opponents in the German High Command. A popular, award-winning biographical film released in 1970 helped transform Patton into an American folk hero.
North African Campaign
Under Eisenhower, Patton was assigned to help plan the invasion of French North Africa as part of Operation Torch in the summer of 1942.[87][88] Patton commanded the Western Task Force, consisting of 33,000 men in 100 ships, in landings centered around Casablanca, Morocco. The landings, which took place on November 8, 1942, were opposed by Vichy French forces, but Patton's men quickly gained a beachhead. and pushed through fierce resistance. Casablanca fell on November 11 and Patton negotiated an armistice with French General Charles Noguès.[89][90] The Sultan of Morocco was so impressed that he presented Patton with the Order of Ouissam Alaouite, with the citation "Les Lions dans leurs tanières tremblent en le voyant approcher" (The lions in their dens tremble at his approach).[91]Patton oversaw the conversion of Casablanca into a military port and hosted the Casablanca Conference in January 1943.[92]
On March 6, 1943, following the defeat of the U.S. II Corps by the German Afrika Korps at the Battle of the Kasserine Pass, Patton replaced Major General Lloyd Fredendall as commander of the II Corps and was promoted to lieutenant general. Soon thereafter, he had Omar Bradley reassigned to his corps as its deputy commander.[93] With orders to take the battered and demoralized formation into action in 10 days' time, Patton immediately introduced sweeping changes, ordering all soldiers to wear clean, pressed and complete uniforms, establishing rigorous schedules, and requiring strict adherence to military protocol. He continuously moved throughout the command talking with men, seeking to shape them into effective soldiers. He pushed them hard, and sought to reward them well for their accomplishments.[94] His uncompromising leadership style is evidenced by his orders for an attack on a hill position near Gafsa which are reported to have ended "I expect to see such casualties among officers, particularly staff officers, as will convince me that a serious effort has been made to capture this objective".[95]
Patton's training was effective, and on March 17, the U.S. 1st Infantry Division took Gafsa, winning the Battle of El Guettar, and pushing a German and Italian armored force back twice. In the meantime, on April 5, he removed Major General Orlando Ward, the commander of the 1st Armored Division, after its lackluster performance at Maknassy against numerically inferior German forces. Advancing on Gabès, Patton's corps pressured the Mareth Line.[94] During this time, he reported to British Army commander Harold Alexander, and came into conflict with Air Vice Marshal Arthur Coningham about the lack of close air support being provided for his troops. When Coningham dispatched three officers to Patton's headquarters to persuade him that the British were providing ample air support, they came under German air attack mid-meeting, and part of the ceiling of Patton's office collapsed around them. Speaking later of the German pilots who had struck, Patton remarked, "if I could find the sons of bitches who flew those planes, I'd mail each of them a medal."[96] By the time his force reached Gabès, the Germans had abandoned it. He then relinquished command of II Corps to Bradley, and returned to the I Armored Corps in Casablanca to help plan Operation Husky. Fearing U.S. troops would be sidelined, he convinced British commanders to allow them to continue fighting through to the end of the Tunisia Campaign before leaving on this new assignment.
Troubridge, Thomas, Commodore, RN:
| Sir Thomas Hope Troubridge | |
|---|---|
Rear Admiral Troubridge on his appointment as Fifth Sea Lord
| |
| Born | 1 February 1895 Southsea, Hampshire, England |
| Died | 29 September 1949 (aged 54) Hawkley, Hampshire, England |
| Allegiance | United Kingdom |
| Service/branch |  Royal Navy |
| Years of service | 1908-1948 |
| Rank | Vice Admiral |
| Commands held | HMS Furious HMS Nelson HMS Indomitable |
| Battles/wars | World War I World War II |
| Awards | Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath Distinguished Service Order & Bar Distinguished Service Medal (US) Legion of Honour (France) |
Vice Admiral Sir Thomas Hope Troubridge KCB DSO & Bar (1 February 1895 – 29 September 1949) was a Royal navy officer who went on to becomeFifth Sea Lord.
[edit]
Born the son of Admiral Sir Ernest Troubridge, Troubridge joined theRoyal Navy in 1908.[1] He served inWorld War I and in 1936 became Naval Attaché in Berlin.[2] He also served in World War II initially asCommanding Officer of the aircraft carrier HMS Furious[1] carrying much needed sugar back to Britain in July 1940 and then making a number of air strikes on shipping in Norwegian waters and on the seaplane base at Tromsø through October 1940.[3] He was given command of the battleship HMS Nelson in June 1941 and then the aircraft carrier HMS Indomitable in January 1942.[4] In 1943 he was appointed Rear Admiral Combined Operations and Flag Officer Commanding Overseas Assault Forces[1] and in June 1944 he led the Invasion and Capture of Elba.[5]
After the war he was appointed Fifth Sea Lord and then, from 1946, Flag Officer, Air (Home).[2] His last appointment was as Flag Officer and Second-in-Command, Mediterranean Fleet in 1948.
Burrough, Sir H. M., Rear Admiral, RN:
| Sir Harold Burrough | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Born | 4 July 1889 |
| Died | 22 October 1977 |
| Allegiance | United Kingdom |
| Service/branch |  Royal Navy |
| Years of service | 1903 - 1949 |
| Rank | Admiral |
| Commands held | HMS London Nore Command |
| Battles/wars | World War I World War II |
| Awards | Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath Knight Commander of the Order of the British Empire Distinguished Service Order |
Admiral Sir Harold Martin Burrough GCB, KBE, DSO (4 July 1889 – 22 October 1977) was a senior Royal Navy officer and Assistant Chief of Naval Staff to the Royal Navy during World War II.
During World War II he was awarded the DSO after a successful raid on the Norwegian islands of Vågsøy and Måløy on 27 December 1941[2] in which nine enemy ships were sunk by the Navy and Royal Air Force and the garrisons were wiped out by the military forces. Burrough would serve on the Naval Staff for two years until 1942. In July of that year he was given command of the close escort force for Operation Pedestal, and subsequently placed in command of Allied naval forces in the assault on Algiers during Operation Torch, as well as directing the Northwest Africa landings.
Morison, Rear Admiral:
| Samuel Eliot Morison | |
|---|---|
Samuel Eliot Morison in his official U.S. Navy portrait
| |
| Born | July 9, 1887 Boston, Massachusetts |
| Died | May 15, 1976 (aged 88) Boston, Massachusetts |
| Allegiance | United States of America |
| Service/branch |  United States Navy |
| Years of service | 1942–1946 |
| Rank |  Rear Admiral (Reserve) |
| Battles/wars | World War II |
| Awards | See article |
Samuel Eliot Morison, Rear Admiral, United States Naval Reserve (July 9, 1887 – May 15, 1976) was an American historian noted for his works of maritime history that were both authoritative and highly readable. He received his Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1912, and taught history at the university for 40 years. He won Pulitzer Prizes for Admiral of the Ocean Sea (1942), a biography of Christopher Columbus, and John Paul Jones: A Sailor's Biography(1959). In 1942, he was commissioned by President Franklin D. Roosevelt to write a history of United States naval operations in World War II, which was published in 15 volumes between 1947 and 1962. He retired from the navy in 1951 as a rear admiral. Morison wrote the popular Oxford History of the American People (1965), and co-authored the classic textbook The Growth of the American Republic (1930) with Henry Steele Commager. Over the course of his distinguished career, Morison received eleven honorary doctoral degrees, including degrees from Harvard University (1936), Columbia University (1942), Yale University (1949), and the University of Oxford (1951). Morison also garnered numerous literary prizes, military honors, and national awards from both foreign countries and the United States, including twoPulitzer Prizes, two Bancroft Prizes, the Balzan Prize, the Legion of Merit, and the Presidential Medal of Freedom.
No comments:
Post a Comment